Mon corps, la première merveille du monde (Psy-Santé) (French Edition)

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Abstracts - Linguistisches Kolloquium

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Melody of Time: Music and Temporality in the Romantic Era

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Apostolidis, Tassos. Thessaloniki: Landwirtschaftliche Genossenschafts. Athanassiadis, Nikos. Axioti, Melpo.

Linked bibliography for the SEP article

Konterbande : eine Dichtung. Berlin: Volk und Welt , Im Schatten der Akropolis. Axioti, Melpho. Hier, wo das Wunder noch wirkt - Stationen der zyprischen Dichtung : Gedichte. Hatzimichelakis, Stephanos D. Nackte knochen. Athen: [s. Athen: Lithopress , Hadzis, Dimitrios. Das doppelte Buch : Roman. Chatzis, Dimitris. Das doppelte Buch.

Das zerstorte Idyll. Chatzopoulos, Kostantinos. Herbst : roman. Richard I. Marrus Westport, , vol. Marrus Westport, CT, vol. David Cesarani New York, , p. For further details see J. Kees W. Bolle Carbondale, IL, , p. There were of course many private expressions of sympathy and one known resignation in protest against the anti-Jewish measures, that of a high official of the education system in Paris, Gustave Monod ibid.

For some letters of sympathy see in particular ibid. A privileged mixed marriage was one whose children were not raised as Jews; its members were exempted from anti-Jewish measures. A nonprivileged mixed marriage was one whose children were raised as Jews, or a childless union like that of the Klemperers. Usually, even in the case of nonprivileged mixed marriages, deportations were delayed if the Jewish partner was a convert or if the Jewish partner was the wife.

Ruth Zariz, ed. Max Domarus, part 2 Leonberg, —88 , pp. Gerhard L. Weinberg New York, , pp. Next came the Russian commissars who, in turn, displaced the Jews. Of course it may have been an indirect way of justifying to a foreign leader his arrangement with the Soviet Union: It was no longer Jewish. These interpretations appear in Arno J. The negotiations between SS and army started much earlier than was thought for a long time; discussions were already ongoing in February For the changing preambles attached to this order that at first pointed specifically to the Jews but then, however, remained limited to security arguments, see Christopher R.

For the text of the guidelines, see Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl, eds. For discussions and supplementary decrees stemming from the order, see ibid. Peter Witte et al. This measure was most probably taken to allow for a maximum of emigration possibilities for Jews from the Reich and the Protectorate. As for the reference to the forthcoming final solution, it was, at this stage, a vague and widely used formula referring to any range of possibilities.

Nuremberg doc. Horst Boog et al. Oxford, , pp. Peter Longerich, ed. Regesten , part 4, vol. For the documents regarding this issue, see John Mendelsohn and Donald S. NG , in Mendelsohn and Detwiler, eds. Karl Heinz Jahnke Evanston, , pp. Donald L. Niewyk, ed. Lucjan Dobroszycki, ed. For the establishment of the archives and the work of the chroniclers see Dobroszycki, introduction, pp. A History , ed. Wladislaw T. Bartoszewski and Antony Polonsky Oxford, , p. Israel Gutman and Cynthia J. Haft Jerusalem, , pp. Lucy S. Jacob Sloah New York, , p. Abraham Isaac Katsh New York, , p.

There are many detailed descriptions of the inventiveness of the smugglers and the crucial function of these operations. Barbara Harshav Berkeley, , p. Rebecca Rovit and Alvin Goldfarb Baltimore, , pp. The pianist Wladyslaw Szpilman performed in such a cabaret. Joseph Kermish , vol. The deep sense of betrayal and the bitterness of the survivors were papered over at the end of the war but reappeared as time went by and found widespread expression in interviews, memoirs, and in new historical research, mainly from the s on.

Jeffrey S. Gurock and Robert S.

Who Are We and Who Am I? Gadamer's Communal Ontology as Palimpsest

Hirt New York, , p. There was yet another way of sending tens of thousands of Jews into slave labor. In early Greiser took an ideologically unusual step: He offered some 70, Jewish workers from his territory to the Reich labor minister for employment in Germany. The Reichsmarschall apparently informed all regional authorities not to hinder the employment of this new and unexpected work force.

All these plans came to naught: In April , Hitler forbade any transfer of Jews from the East into the Reich, even for employment in war industries. Frank Fox Boulder, CO, , p. Shnayderman New York, , pp. An inhabitant of the ghetto, Hillel Zeidman, met with Ganzweich in his apartment, probably in early , and was shown some of the reports prepared for the Germans. On the contrary, they contain proposals…meant to prove to the Germans that it is to their advantage to treat the Jews with lesser severity.

Browning and Yisrael Gutman, eds. The case of another notorious informer Alfred Nossig was not fundamentally different. The health condition of the Jewish populations was not the same from one ghetto to another. Thus, in Vilna for example, from the fall of after the establishment of the ghetto mortality rates from disease stabilized at a relatively low level. This unusual situation may have been the result of a series of unconnected factors: The remaining population after the exterminations of the summer and fall was mostly young, the food supply was ampler than in Warsaw or Lodz, the number of physicians in the ghetto was relatively high, the main Jewish hospital of the city remained within the ghetto boundaries, and strict rules of hygiene and sanitation were imposed by the health department of the council.

Foreign Relations of the United States, Europe, , vol. The Jews who were interned in Jilava dead under the most shameful torture. Randolph L. Braham New York, , mainly p. Among the young Iron Guard intellectual anti-Semites, the future world-renowned historian of religion Mircea Eliade was probably one of the most rabid. Rather than a Romania again invaded by kikes, it would be better to have a German protectorate.

In a meeting at the German embassy on February 2, , Dannecker confirmed these data. See Serge Klarsfeld, ed. For the full text of the petition see ibid. Harald Wixforth, in Klaus-Dietmar Henke, ed. David Cesarani New York, , pp. For the details see J. Quoted in Gordon J.

For these biographical details, see J. Shaul Esh and Geoffrey Wigoder Jerusalem, , pp. Dan Michman Jerusalem, , p. John F. The report probably expressed the views of Vatican undersecretaries of state, Monsigners Giovanni Battista Montini and Domenico Tardini or those of the superior general of the Dominican order, Father Gillet. In both cases, the report would have been authoritative. Ulrich Herbert New York, , pp. Quoted on p. Quoted in Karel C. Benjamin Harshav New Haven, , pp. See for example the various reports summed up in Marlis G.

Nuremberg Doc. New York, , vol. Max Domarus, 4 vols. Leonberg, —88 , p. Documents on German Foreign Policy. Series D, — , vol. Hewel diary entry, quoted in Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl, eds. Werner Jochmann and Heinrich Heim Hamburg, , p. Henry Picker, ed. See also Willi A. Boelcke, ed. Die Legenden um Theodore N. Herrsching, , pp. Boberach, ed. For both letters, see Josef Wulf, ed. See Peter Klein, ed. Berlin: , pp. At the time of this testimony , Streckenbach was thought to be dead.

However when he returned from a Soviet prisoner-of-war camp in the mids, he declared that no such order was ever given or transmitted before the beginning of the Russian campaign. In a masterly analysis of all available documents and testimonies, Burrin confirms the view first presented by Alfred Streim: The initial orders targeted Jewish men only; the killings expanded to entire Jewish communities from August on.

See also Klein, ed. See Christopher R. New Haven, CT, , vol. Hermann G. Documents explicitly referring to the widespread murder of Jews were brought to the knowledge of the future military resisters as early as mid-July Gerd R. Ortwin Buchbender and Reinhold Sterz, eds. Manoschek, ed. Letters quoted in Stephen G. Ada June Friedman New York, , pp. The relations between Ukrainians and Jews throughout the centuries remain a strongly contested history, at least as intensely so as some major aspects of the relations between Jews and Poles or Ukranians and Poles.

Very soon, however, the Germans, intent on turning the Ukraine into an area of colonization, would oppose Ukrainian nationalist demands and try to suppress their movements. Out of a population of approximately , Jews, some 4, were killed by the Germans and the Ukrainians during the early days of the occupation. Deutsch Stuttgart, , pp. Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann Hamburg, , p. There are several computations of the total number of Jews exterminated in Lithuania during the German occupation. According to the most recent studies, out of the Jewish population of ,, approximately , 80 percent were exterminated.

Percy Matenko Tel Aviv, , pp. L, U. Washington, DC, vol. The participation of the Poles has been described in Jan T. Michlic, eds. Princeton, , and also, from a different angle, in Alexander B. Presented to Romanian President Ion Iliescu. About the ghetto in Kishinev, see Paul A. Braham Boulder, CO, , pp.


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Foreign Relations of the United States , vol. Ulrich Herbert New York, , pp ff. Translated in John F. Richard J. Hoensch Highland Lakes, NJ, , pp. For this synthesis I relied mainly on Randolph L. David Cesarani Oxford, ; Ivan T. Gross, and Tony Judt. On the attitude of the Hungarian Churches see Randolph L. These contrary initiatives indicate that no clear overall policy had yet been decided by the end of August regarding the fate of large Jewish groups of this kind that is, not local Jewish communities.

Since World War I, prussic acid—as Zyklon B was then called—was increasingly used as a powerful pesticide for major disinfection purposes. In September , at the outset of operation T4, the use of Zyklon B was considered as a possible method for the killing of the mentally ill, yet it was rejected in favor of carbon monoxide, which was deemed more efficient.

Although the potential of Zyklon B for killing human beings was underrated at first, it was widely used as a disinfectant. Thus, in early , as the decision to set up a concentration camp in Auschwitz was taken, Zyklon B was utilized to disinfect the first buildings of the new camp.

Over the coming year and a half, Auschwitz, like all other concentration camps, regularly used Zyklon B to this end. According to postwar testimony, during one such operation the slave workers in charge and their SS overseer noticed the rapid death of a cat that had remained in one of these rooms. An idea too hastily abandoned in was born again. There were plenty of inmates on whom the product could be tested. We saw that mainly after August , within the context of the 14f13 killing program, camp detainees in the hundreds were selected and sent to their death in the T4 institutions.

Moreover, following the attack on the Soviet Union, the killing of political commissars, other functionaries of the communist party and all Jewish prisoners of war started. The POW camps were searched by the Gestapo, and those destined for execution were either killed on the spot or transferred to nearby concentration camps to be murdered there. The killing procedures differed from one camp to another; the shot in the back of the neck seems to have been the most common method, but much leeway was left for the inventiveness of the executioners.

In Auschwitz, Zyklon B was chosen. Norbert Frei et al. Munich, , pp. Aschenauer Leoni am Starnberger See, , p. This formula could, however, be applied either to the preparation of a general deportation of all European Jews to northern Russia or to the preparation for their extermination. However, as there was no preparation that we know of, Eichmann may simiply have used a general formula to explain his refusal.

To go into further details about the organization of the reception area would be fantasy, because first of all the basic decisions must be made. It is essential in this regard, by the way, that total clarity prevails about what finally shall happen to those undesirable ethnic elements deported from the Greater German settlement area. Is the goal to ensure them a certain level of life in the long run, or shall they be totally eradicated? On January 1, , 1, inhabitants of the ghetto belonged to non-Jewish denominations.

At 11 A. They had been given injections of the sedative scopolamine. New Haven, , p. The Erlich-Alter affair has generated an abundant scholarly literature. Mark M. Anderson New York, , p. Quoted in Paul A. Eric A. Michael H. Cohen Paris, , p. Exact statistics are unavailable. Dan Michman Jerusalem, , pp. It seems that SS architects and other experts were consulted about the disposals of the bodies of the 30, Riga Jews. Frankfurt, , p.

This had been the pretext for the anti-Jewish boycott of April and was mentioned time and again as an effective anti-Jewish strategy from the end of to the war. Hamburg, , pp. See also, among others, H. Willi A. Joseph Walk Gerlingen, , p. Horst Boog Oxford, , pp. David M. About the Des Moines speech, see A. Leonberg, —88 , part 2, vol. Werner Jochmann and Heinrich Heim Munich, , p. Trevor-Roper [London, ] , p. Moritz Augustus Konstantin von Schirmeister Munich, , pp. The killing operations in Galicia—including the mass murders in the fall of —have been studied in considerable detail.

The deportations to Minsk also led to mass executions of local Jews; the killing of local Jews to make space for the deportees from the Reich may explain the aborted plans for setting up an extermination site in Mogilev. The Wannsee conference will be discussed in chapter 6. No documents indicate that this may have been the case. Trials of war criminals before the Nuremberg Military Tribunals , 15 vols. GPO, , Nuremberg doc.

On December 12, as mentioned, Hitler told his old-time party companions that the Jews of Europe were to be exterminated. According to this interpretation, Rosenberg probably had been told by Himmler of the decision, and he echoed the newly acquired information in his speech to the press, as Frank was to echo Hitler a month later. In the East, some 6 million Jews still live, and this question can only be solved in the biological eradication of the entire Jewry of Europe.

The Jewish Question is only solved for Germany when the last Jew has left German territory, and for Europe when not a single Jew lives on the European continent up to the Urals. That is the task that fate had posed to us…. It is necessary to expel them over the Urals or eradicate them in some other way.

It is in this context that the Jewish issue was discussed, and we do not know whether on that occasion Himmler imparted any further information—if any decision was to be imparted at all—to a rival whom he despised. Were the Jews discussed on that occasion? We do not know either. It refers both to biological eradication and to expulsion over the Urals.

It could be that Rosenberg meant eradication and not mere expulsion, as later, in the same speech, he stressed the urgency of the issue and the necessity for his generation of Germans to accomplish this historical task. But could not the same urgency apply to the expulsion of all the Jews beyond the Urals, leading eventually to their extinction like all other territorial plans? Thus, on November 6, Goebbels recorded that, according to information from the General government, the Jews were setting all their hopes on a Soviet victory.

It can even be of help to us, as it should allow us to deal with them in an even more decisive way in the general government as in the other occupied countries, and first of all also in the Reich. On November 29, , Heydrich sent invitations to a conference that was to take place on December 9 in Berlin, at the Interpol center on Am Kleinen Wannseestrasse The only concrete developments mentioned were the deportations from Germany. Whether this was to be the only topic of the December 9 conference cannot be determined.

Moreover, Rademacher suggested to inform the governments of Romania, Slovakia, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Hungary that Germany would be ready to deport their Jews to the East. Of course, these were suggestions of the Wilhelmstrasse; whether they would have been discussed, we do not know. Significantly, the countries of western and northern Europe were not mentioned. On November 18, in a speech at the University of Berlin, Hans Frank unexpectedly praised the Jewish workers toiling in the General Government and forecast that they would be allowed to continue working for Germany in the future Yitzhak Arad, Yisrael Gutman, and Abraham Margaliot, eds.

Could it be, if extermination had already been decided in early October, that Frank, in his visit to Berlin in mid-November, would not have been told anything? As we saw, by December 16 the tone had changed, and Frank spoke of only one goal: extermination. Such a meeting took place on December 14, Ibid. No killing site was yet ready in or near Lodz, whereas choosing Riga, Kovno, or Minsk from the outset…would have befitted a killing plan—at least as a possibility. Hitler probably finalized his decision in December; in January, Heydrich was barely starting to consider various possibilities, apart from the phased deportation to the East.

For an exhaustive discussion of this issue, see ibid. Frankfurt am Main, , pp. Regarding the H and W accounts one may accept the hypothesis that the Reichsvereinigung was itself cheated at the outset, but for how long? However, he continued in theology with philosophy and classical philology as minor fields. He passed his theological examinations in Berlin in This was followed by a period as a private tutor, which ended in , partly, it seems, due to friction caused by his sympathy with the French Revolution, to which his employer was opposed.

Moses Mendelssohn , which was highly critical of Spinozism. During the period —6 Schleiermacher served as a pastor in Landsberg. In he moved to Berlin, where he became chaplain to a hospital. In Berlin he met Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel, as well as other romantics, became deeply engaged in the formation of the romantic movement, and collaborated with the Schlegel brothers on the short-lived but important literary journal Athenaeum — During the period —9, he shared a house with Friedrich Schlegel.

The book won Schleiermacher a national reputation. In this work he rejected an expedient that had been proposed for ameliorating the situation of the Jews in Prussia of achieving their civil assimilation through baptism which would, he argues, harm both Judaism and Christianity and instead advocated full civil rights for Jews on certain rather reasonable conditions.

The review in particular took Kant to task for his dualistic philosophy of mind and his superficial, disparaging attitude toward women and other peoples. During the following several years Schleiermacher complemented On Religion with two substantial publications that were more ethical in orientation: the especially important Soliloquies ; second edition and the Outlines of a Critique of Previous Ethical Theory As time went on, however, Schlegel left this work to Schleiermacher, which contributed to increasingly difficult relations between the two men after While in Berlin Schleiermacher developed romantic attachments to two married women, Henriette Herz and Eleonore Grunow—the latter of which attachments led to scandal and unhappiness, eventually causing Schleiermacher to leave the city.

He spent the years —4 in Stolpe. By he was teaching at Halle University. During the period —5 he began lecturing on ethics as he would do again repeatedly until In he also began delivering his famous and important lectures on hermeneutics which he repeated regularly until In —7 he left Halle as a result of the French occupation, and moved back to Berlin. From this time on he began actively promoting German resistance to the French occupation and the cause of German unity.

In Schleiermacher married a young widow, Henriette von Willich, with whom he had several children. In —9 he became preacher at the Dreifaltigkeitskirche, in professor of theology at the University of Berlin, and by also a member of the Berlin Academy of Sciences. In he lectured on dialectics for the first time as he would do again regularly until his death, at which time he was in the early stages of preparing a version for publication. In he began lecturing on the history of philosophy as he would again repeatedly in subsequent years. In he delivered as an address, and then published as an essay, On the Different Methods of Translation —a very important work in translation theory deeply informed by his own experience as a translator.

In —14 he lectured on pedagogy, or the philosophy of education, for the first time as he would do on two subsequent occasions: —1 and In he lectured on psychology for the first time as he would again repeatedly until —4. In he lectured on aesthetics for the first time as he subsequently did on two further occasions, the last of them in —3. In the same year he also began lecturing on the life of Jesus as he did again on four further occasions over the following twelve years —thereby inaugurating an important genre of literature on this subject in the nineteenth century.

In —2 he published his major work of systematic theology, The Christian Faith revised edition —1. Schleiermacher died in As can be seen even from this brief sketch of his life and works, a large proportion of his career was taken up with the philosophy of religion and theology. However, from the secular standpoint of modern philosophy it is probably his work in such areas as hermeneutics i.

Accordingly, this article will begin with these more interesting areas of his thought, only turning to his philosophy of religion briefly at the end. Schleiermacher nowhere presents his philosophy of language separately; instead, it is found scattered through such works as his lectures on psychology, dialectics, and hermeneutics. The following eight positions—all but the last of which are heavily indebted to Herder—are especially worth noting:.

But such a strong version of the doctrine is philosophically problematic—vulnerable to counterexamples in which thought occurs without any corresponding inner language use, and vice versa. This is likely to seem problematic at first sight because of its inclusion of sensory images in meaning.

Finally, whereas for Herder doctrine 7 was merely an empirically established rule of thumb and admitted of exceptions, Schleiermacher in his lectures on ethics and dialectics attempts to give a sort of a priori proof of linguistic and conceptual-intellectual diversity even at the level of individuals as a universal fact—a proof that is dubious in its very a priori status, in its specific details, and in its extremely counterintuitive implication often explicitly asserted by Schleiermacher that, strictly speaking, no one can ever understand another person. It is too extensive to present in detail here.

Friedrich Schlegel was an immediate influence on his thought here. Their ideas on these subjects began to take shape in the late s, when they lived together in the same house in Berlin for a time. Many of their ideas are shared, and it is often unclear which of the two men was the more original source of a given idea. Schleiermacher lectured on hermeneutics frequently between and The following are his main principles:. Assuming that a text or discourse must be true will often lead to serious misinterpretation. The suggestion found in some of the secondary literature that Schleiermacher thinks that historical context is irrelevant to interpretation is absurd.

Linguistic interpretation is mainly concerned with what is common or shared in a language; psychological interpretation mainly with what is distinctive to a particular author. First, he sees such a need as arising from the deep linguistic and conceptual-intellectual distinctiveness of individuals. Schleiermacher himself places most emphasis on the first of these three considerations. However, if, as Schleiermacher does, one wants to argue that interpretation needs to invoke psychology generally , and if, as I hinted earlier, linguistic and conceptual-intellectual distinctiveness is not in fact the pervasive phenomenon that Schleiermacher usually takes it to be, then it is arguably the latter two considerations that should be considered the more fundamental ones.

Such holism introduces a pervasive circularity into interpretation, for, ultimately, interpreting these broader items in its turn depends on interpreting such pieces of text. Schleiermacher does not see this circle as vicious, however. Why not? His solution is not that all of these tasks should be accomplished simultaneously—for that would far exceed human capacities. Rather, it essentially lies in the very plausible thought that understanding is not an all-or-nothing matter but instead something that comes in degrees , so that it is possible to make progress toward full understanding in a piecemeal way.

For example, concerning the relation between a piece of text and the whole text to which it belongs, Schleiermacher recommends that we first read through and interpret as best we can each of the parts of the text in turn in order thereby to arrive at an approximate overall interpretation of the text, and that we then apply this approximate overall interpretation in order to refine our initial interpretations of each of the particular parts, which in turn gives us an improved overall interpretation, which can then be re-applied toward still further refinement of the interpretations of the parts, and so on indefinitely.

Some of the common ground here is admittedly due to the fact that they were both influenced by the same predecessors, especially J. To begin with two deviations that are not problematic, but rather advantageous: First, as was previously mentioned, Schleiermacher exacerbates the challenge to interpretation that principle 7 already poses by introducing principle 8 , semantic holism. There were, however, some clearer precedents for it—for example, in van der Hardt, Chladenius, Pfeiffer, Grosch, and Meier.

But the following are further examples.

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However, this seems an unhelpful move, for how many works are actually composed, and hence properly interpretable, in such a way? However, he should arguably instead have regarded it as a ground for considering interpretation and natural science similar. His mistake here was caused by a false assumption that natural science works by a method of plain induction—i.

This is a very important point. It is not enough that one understand the actual sense of a confused work better than the author understood it. One must also oneself be able to know, characterize , and even construe the confusion even down to its very principles. KFSA Schleiermacher applied his scrupulous hermeneutic method fruitfully to several areas of scholarship that centrally require interpretation.

One example of this is the series of lectures on the life of Jesus that he delivered between and Another—for philosophers perhaps more significant—example is his work as a historiographer of philosophy. As was already mentioned, Schleiermacher also develops his theory of translation on the foundation of the Herder-influenced principles in the philosophy of language 4 , 5 , and 7 , together with 8 , his own semantic holism, which exacerbates the challenge to translation already posed by 7.

Schleiermacher was himself a masterful translator, whose German translations of Plato are still widely used and admired today, about two hundred years after they were done. So his views on translation carry a certain prima facie authority. He explains his theory of translation mainly in the brilliant essay On the Different Methods of Translation The following are some of his main points:. This is an application of principle 7. In this connection, Schleiermacher in particular notes the following problem which might be dubbed the paradox of paraphrase : If, faced with the task of translating an alien concept, a translator attempts to reproduce its intension by reproducing its extension with the aid of an elaborate paraphrase in his own language, he will generally find that as he gets closer to the original extension he undermines the original intension in other ways.

For example, he notes that in the case of poetry it is necessary to reproduce not only the semantic but also the musical aspects of the original, such as meter and rhyme—and this not merely as a desideratum over and above the main task of reproducing meaning, but also as an essential part of that task, because in poetry such musical features serve as essential vehicles for the precise expression of meaning. And he argues that in addition to reproducing meaning a translation should attempt to convey to its readership where an author was being conceptually conventional and where conceptually original—for example, by using older vocabulary from the target language in the former cases and relative neologisms from it in the latter.

Schleiermacher therefore champions the alternative approach of bringing the reader toward the linguistic-conceptual world of the author as the only acceptable one. DM This solution presupposes principle 5 in the philosophy of language. Reading a translation therefore inevitably remains only a poor second best to reading the original, and the translator should think of his task as one of striving to approximate an infinite, never fully realizable, ideal. For in cases where a real conflict with that character arises, the enrichments in question will soon wither from the language.

Here again as in the case of interpretation , not only the framework principles 4 , 5 , and 7 , but most of these ideas about translation come from Herder. Schleiermacher tended to be quite self-deprecating about his sensitivity to and knowledge of art, and hence about his aptitude for aesthetics e. However, he did eventually bring himself to confront the subject systematically, namely, in his lectures on aesthetics first delivered in , and then again in and —3.

Part of his motivation behind this eventual confrontation with the subject—and part of the reason why it remains interesting today—derives from the fact that the phenomenon of art, and in particular the phenomenon of non-linguistic art e. This question is obviously important for the philosophy of art. For a positive answer to this question might threaten those two principles, or at least show that they need major revision.

In his last cycle of aesthetics lectures —3 Schleiermacher initially pursued a very simple strategy for dealing with these issues concerning non-linguistic art. However, he soon realized that the strategy in question was untenable, and abandoned it for a more promising but also more ambiguous position. His whole train of thought there closely followed one that Herder had already pursued in the Critical Forests , so it may be useful to begin with a brief sketch of the latter.

By the time of writing the Critical Forests Herder was already committed to his own versions of principles 4 and 5. Accordingly, in reaction to the phenomenon of the non-linguistic arts the book initially set out to argue for a theory of their nature that would preserve consistency with those principles, and it did so in a very straightforward way, denying the non-linguistic arts any the ability to express thoughts or meanings autonomously of language by denying them any ability to express thoughts or meanings at all : whereas poetry has a sense, a soul, a force, music is a mere succession of objects in time, and sculpture and painting are merely spatial; whereas poetry not only depends on the senses but also relates to the imagination, music, sculpture, and painting belong solely to the senses to hearing, feeling, and vision, respectively ; whereas poetry uses voluntary and conventional signs, music, sculpture, and painting employ only natural ones.

However, as Herder proceeded with his book he came to realize that this simplistic solution was untenable: in the third part of the book he stumbled upon the awkward case of ancient coins, which, though normally non-linguistic, clearly do nonetheless often express meanings and thoughts in pictorial ways. This realization did not lead him to abandon his versions of principles 4 and 5 , however. Instead, it brought him to a more refined account of the non-linguistic arts which was still consistent with those principles: the non-linguistic arts do sometimes express meanings and thoughts, but the meanings and thoughts in question are ones that are parasitic on a prior linguistic expression or expressibility of them by the artist.

In the fourth part of the book which was not published until the middle of the nineteenth century, and was hence unknown to Schleiermacher Herder already extended this solution from coins to painting; and in subsequent works he extended it to sculpture and music as well. He subsequently goes on to note that an analogous point holds for other non-linguistic arts, such as painting, as well.

Accordingly, at this stage in his lectures he changes tack. He now acknowledges that non-linguistic arts do at least sometimes express meanings and thoughts after all, and he goes on to vacillate between two new, and mutually conflicting, accounts of that fact: a The arts in question do so in such a way that the meanings and thoughts involved are at least sometimes not yet linguistically articulable. In particular, he suggests that the early Greek sculpture just mentioned expressed religious ideas that only later got expressed linguistically.

This account would entail abandoning or at least severely revising principles 4 and 5. In the end, then, having renounced his initial—clearly untenable—position, Schleiermacher is left torn between these two more plausible-looking positions, which, however, contradict each other. The eighteenth- and nineteenth-century German hermeneutic tradition as a whole was similarly torn between these two positions. As has already been mentioned, b was the considered position at which Herder eventually arrived. But a had strong champions as well—in particular, Hamann, Wackenroder and Tieck, Hegel concerning architecture and sculpture , and the later Dilthey.

The choice between these two positions is a genuinely difficult one, philosophically speaking. Where does this leave Schleiermacher in relation to the several issues bearing on his hermeneutics and his philosophy of language that, I suggested, encouraged him to undertake this investigation of non-linguistic art in the first place? Concerning the primary question, whether the non-linguistic arts express meanings and thoughts and if so how, he has now realized that they do indeed at least sometimes express meanings and thoughts, but he remains torn on exactly how they do so.

Concerning his theory of interpretation, that realization is already important, because it shows that interpretation theory does indeed need to extend its coverage beyond linguistic cases to include at least some cases of non-linguistic art. But he remains torn on the further issues in this area—in particular, on whether, as a implies, there will be cases in which the interpretation of non-linguistic art will transcend the interpretation of any associated language or, as b implies, it will always be dependent on and restricted by the interpretation of associated language. The final cycle of the aesthetics lectures from —3 is merely the last in a long line of attempts to achieve this goal.

It seems to me, however, that, partly for reasons already touched on, this last attempt turns out to be oddly and interestingly self-subverting. This is an important part of the project of On Religion , where he criticizes the sort of elevation of art above religion that Goethe and Schiller had begun and the romantics had then accentuated, complains of the trivial nature of modern art, and argues that art ought to subserve religion, as Plato had thought. The early Schleiermacher was in a way strikingly successful in achieving his goal: after , largely under his influence, the leading romantics did increasingly turn away from art toward religion, and to some extent the same was also true of German culture more generally.

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The ethics lectures of —13 continue the same project in a certain way. There Schleiermacher represents art as of its very nature a collective expression of religious feeling one that differs in accordance with the differences between religions. In other words, he represents art as only true to its own nature when it subserves religion. The psychology lectures develop an interesting variation on the same theme. There Schleiermacher argues that the perception of beauty is a feeling but one that has a certain sort of deep cognitive content in that it expresses the relation of intelligence to Being.

This makes it sound very much like religious feeling, and indeed in these lectures it is treated as a sort of close second-in-command to religious feeling. However, that danger is in part averted by the fact that he is here talking primarily about natural beauty, and only secondarily about artistic beauty.

The —3 aesthetics lectures continue this sort of art-demoting project, but in a different manner.